Category Archives: Opinionated

Tensions Over Egypt’s Referendum Results

First published in the New Internationalist on December 24, 2012

On the evening of 22 December 2012, Egypt watched the primary results begin to trickle in after the divisive voting process of its constitutional referendum. Early figures indicate the ‘yes’ vote,  in support of the new charter, received around 64 per cent of the final result.  Only 3 of Egypt’s 27 governorates came out as ‘no’ victories, one of which was Cairo.

The referendum had been staggered over two consecutive Saturdays after a large number of judges refused to supervise the voting process in protest at President Mohamed Morsi’s 22 November Constitutional Decrees. They claimed Morsi’s self designated ‘immunity’ to them was an affront to the independence of their judicial branch of power.

Egypt’s provisional constitution mandates that members of the judiciary must oversee referendums and elections. The lack of judicial administration was a major worry for the president as it threatened any result’s legitimacy, but eventually 8,800 judges agreed to supervise.

Nonetheless, there have been accusations of voting improprieties during both rounds of the referendum: from vote rigging, to delays in opening polling stations, to absent judges.

The umbrella opposition group, the National Salvation Front (NSF), claimed to have witnessed ‘unprecedented rigging’ , including 750 violations across all 10 governorates in the first round. The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) referred some 350 complaints from the first round to the Supreme Electoral Commission.

Despite the questions raised, the result itself will come as little surprise to most.  The opposition forces have long been divided on how to approach this referendum and perhaps it was this discord that cost them.

The ideologically inclined were pushing for a boycott on what they see as a wholly illegitimate process, whilst the more pragmatic implored a vote no. Even the NSF were unable to decide where they stood until just three days before the first round of the referendum, when they finally called on the people of Egypt to vote no.

Early reports on turnout indicate around 32 to34 per cent of the electorate, the numbers are incredibly low. To put this into perspective, the UK’s lethargic ‘Alternative Vote’ referendum in 2011 managed to get 42 per cent of the electorate to take part.

Political ennui and fatigue are sure to have contributed somewhat to Egypt’s poor turnout, but once you consider the ubiquity of the constitution in local media and the heated discussions that always seem to arise once the topic is brought up, it seems implausible to put too much weight on apathy.

The problem is that, by definition, boycotts are impossible to tally up, thus the extent to which this may have affected the final results are unknowable, especially given that thre were debates within the opposition about strategies right up until the final day’s voting.

An Egyptian man who wished to remain anonymous stated, ‘If you boycotted this referendum, then don’t come crying to us [the ‘no’ voters] about the state of this country… What do you achieve by boycotting? Nothing! You had to vote no to confront Morsi’. The man has been camping in Tahrir Square for the past three weeks and proudly states he will stay there and protest ‘until I die’ if necessary.

For now, the Muslim Brotherhood and Mohamed Morsi have the opportunity to capitalize on this victory.  They need to desperately turn their attention to softening the rhetoric, halting the ridiculous talk of conspiratorial coups and in so doing, hopefully slow the expanding disparity between the two sides.

Morsi recently postponed the implementation of his economic reforms in order to run a ‘social dialogue’ but with the NSF having refused every invitation to a national dialogue so far, it seems like the divisions of the past month, between Morsi’s Islamist supporters and the secular and liberal opposition, is likely to continue.

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Crisis Control: Morsi’s latest Non-Concession

“No ruler of any kind, qua ruler, exercises his authority, whatever its sphere, with his own interest in view, but that of the subject of his skill.  It is his subject and his subject’s proper interest to which he looks in all he says and does.” – The Republic

That Mohamed Morsi is partial to reading Plato in his spare time is unknown, but his management of the situation – since his ‘power-grabbing’ November 22nd Constitutional Decree until its annulment late on December 8th – suggests, at the very least, an affinity with Platonic sovereignty as well as a sly nod to Niccolo Machiavelli.

After a 9-hour ‘national dialogue meeting’ that excluded both Mohamed Morsi and the main opposition figures of the National Salvation Front (NSF), it was announced that the decree which had caused so much outrage was to be annulled.  International Media celebrated this ‘concession’ as a major breakthrough in the political impasse.

Morsi’s main defence on the appropriation of his vast powers was in a need to protect and speed up the process through which the country’s governmental foundations could be laid, and in so doing, allow Egypt’s real journey towards prosperity and justice to begin.

In other words, he deemed that due process and the concept of democracy outside of the ballot box – never mind public opinion – could take a backseat while he frogmarched the masses towards a future they didn’t even know they all wanted.  Within Morsi’s decree, the most important was the sudden unassailability of the contentious constituent assembly.

The deteriorating, and suddenly untouchable, constituent assembly – almost exclusively made up of old Islamist men – worked long hours to rush through a final draft before the Constitutional Court could pass a verdict on the Assembly’s representative legitimacy.

The question of legitimacy lay in the assembly’s make up: It’s 100-strong members had been proportionally drawn from the lower house of parliament; itself dissolved 5 months prior after it was discovered that independent seats had gone to party-affiliated candidates, such as the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP).

The actual contents of the final draft seemed to invoke criticism from nearly every group bar those affiliated with the FJP. “A constitution that eliminates rights and limits freedoms. No to Dictatorship” was a message printed in 11 independent newspapers.  The full front page of the Egypt Independent newspaper this week simply read, “We object to continued restrictions on media liberties, especially after hundreds of Egyptians gave their lives for freedom and dignity.”

FJP senior advisor Gehad El-Haddad was kinder in his analysis, “It’s not perfect, but I think it s a very good basis from which we can move forward” although even he lamented the “compromising language” in some of the articles.

Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood appeared to have overestimated the political torpor of the Egyptian populace and overplayed their hand: a strangely naïve move that may be put down to a sudden surge in hubris after his praised role in the Gaza-Israel peace brokerage.

The masses came out as protests swept through the governorates. Opposition figureheads capitalised on the situation, uniting to create the ‘National Salvation Front’ (NSF) and gaining popular acceptance. In what is a symbiotic relationship, the people give the opposition figures the critical mass necessary to put demands to Morsi, while the protesters could now demonstrate under the political aegis of the NSF and avoid being easily labelled ‘heretical traitors’.

Meanwhile the Pro-Morsi side came out in support of the President.  The Muslim Brotherhood wanted to show the watching world that they too had numbers and outside Cairo University tens of thousands of pro-Morsi Egyptians showed up and duly answered the call.

Both sides rallied peacefully when separated, but the violence that eventually materialised 5 days ago in Heliopolis was inevitable.  The Muslim Brotherhood called on a march to where anti-Morsi protesters were demonstrating and the two-sides finally met – 8 people dying as a result.

The NSF said they would only enter into dialogue with Morsi after an annulment of his 22nd November decrees and a postponement on the referendum.  Morsi began borrowing from Mubarak’s playbook with paranoid conspiracy talk of “fifth columnists” before eventually succumbing to the pressure from the street and rescinding his decree of judicial immunity – but is this really a concession?

Those placated are the armed forces and the judges: Morsi had time to pass a law that grants the armed forces power of arrest and detainment of civilians (effective martial law); and the judges will be pleased that he is no longer above the law (a point that had them initially threatening to boycott supervision of the referendum, thus jeopardising its legitimacy).

The major point to note is that the referendum is still due to take place on December 15th.  What is arguably an illegitimate constitution has bypassed judicial scrutiny via Morsi’s initial decree and is now to be judged by the ballot box in 6 days time.

This is the reason why many in the opposition say there has been no concession.  The main point of contention was the validity of the assembly and any draft they released.  This point remains.  Instead, Morsi has rescinded his powers a week early (for it was due to expire after the voting anyway) and in so doing, offered a superficial misdirect while preserving the referendum.

Whereas the Muslim Brotherhood are, as an Egyptian journalist for Bloomberg put it to me, “very good at the ballot boxes”, the opposition are divided in whether to vote ‘no’, or to boycott what they see as an unreservedly illegitimate referendum.

In a press conference last night the NSF again announced their “total rejection” of the draft constitution and the referendum.  Never explicitly calling for a boycott or a vote saying ‘no’, they instead reiterated their call for peaceful protests to continue.

Therein lies the problem of the opposition forces, whether now or 20 months ago, they are in unison when objecting, but divided when it comes to offering answers, thereby giving the object of their ire more room for manoeuvre.  Room that, in this case, Morsi is fully capitalising on.

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Taking Liberties

This is true liberty, when free-born men,
Having to advise the public, may speak free,
Which he who can, and will, deserves high praise;
Who neither can nor will, may hold his peace:
What can be juster in a state than this?
- Euripid. Hicetid

It is difficult to overstate the importance that freedom of speech has on our lives; allowing anyone the opportunity to impugn, put forward or criticise an idea or status quo that was itself brought about through the medium of free speech and expression.

It is a bastion of our individuality in the ongoing tug of war between state-rule and self-rule. Countless philosophers and politicians have argued as to where to draw the line between the Leviathan’s sphere of influence and the individual’s existentialist boundaries.  Across the pond, the libertarians are alive and well – albeit in the form of the intransigent Tea party movement – whilst in the ‘Emerald Isle’ the idea of privatisation brings thousands out in protest.

Yet they share common ground in their ability to speak out.  It is this ability to speak out and protest, against what they consider injustices, which prevents our lives from continuing on in indifference.  Its continued practice never allows the progress of society to fall into torpor and indolence. It is the right of everyone to speak their mind, however misinformed or seemingly foolish, without regard to their background or wealth.  Every person can and should use this right.  Our ability to criticise and enter into discussion is the fuel that keeps the engines of our civilisation progressing.

Moreover, it is not just the right of the person to speak but also the right of you and me to hear what they have to say, no matter how absurd.  I have memories of being in Hyde Park passing Speaker’s Corner and listening to the men and women as they spouted, mainly, nonsensical themes to the surrounding crowds from upon their soapboxes.  And while they were interpolating, mainly, frivolous topics, there could just as easily have been a person actively denying the holocaust, or proposing racist ideology.

The act of heretics, contrarians and iconoclasts, they who go against popular opinion and cherished views, have just as much, if not more importance in the arena of discussion precisely because they are proposing an unconventional opinion.  Their ability to speak must be upheld.  Their point may even contain a grain of historical truth, and if nothing else, will shake you from intellectual laziness and make you question why you hold the beliefs you do.  Creating and understanding first principles is extremely important if we are to reliably draw from these axioms for future thought.

Have you ever wondered why you know the world is not flat?  What would you say if you met with a young-earth creationist?  Do not seek shelter in the false security of consensus.

Censorship persists in our lives, whether in more obvious forms, such as the archaic and immensely stupid blasphemy laws, or in the more subtle forms where one is passively forced into intellectual dishonesty.  This is a fact that I see as a crying shame, breaking with Shakespeare’s well known maxim “To thine own self be true”, yet the vast majority of people would consent to the existence of some form of law curbing freedom of speech and expression.

They argue that it shouldn’t be legal to incite hatred, violence, crime and lies.  But I put it to them that it is through these incitements that one learns the extent to which a group or individual is thinking.  What we see when we hear them and what we hear when we see them is an invaluable source in unveiling a problem, that until then, may have simply festered in silence, until the pressure is released in ways greatly exacerbated and perhaps unmanageable.

Saying that homosexuals are sub-human, claiming that the wretched woman is incapable of doing a man’s job, or drawing a cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad are not crimes.  But those that seek to withhold the rights of the LGBT community, pay women less, and seek beheadings as reaction must be held accountable.  In the aftermath of the Prophet Cartoons saga in Denmark, almost every institution condemned the cartoons, but failed to condemn those that called for, and got, blood in revenge.  Where are your priorities?

When someone utters an idiocy such as a homophobic rant, they must be ready for the barrage of counter arguments coming their way.  But, nevertheless, they should be allowed to speak their idiotic statements.  To quote Voltaire: “I disagree with what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it”.

If someone speaks an untruth, I have no doubt that it will be exposed as just that, but only by those willing to listen and argue against.  In essence, I advocate the dialectic in search for the truth.  The fear of offending or provoking should be a straitjacket that constrains no one but the reality of having to defend your position should give you moment’s pause.

It should be noted that being offended is a purely subjective act and there are those that are so happy to be affronted that they actively go out looking for it.  The joke goes that when Dr Samuel Johnson completed his great lexicon, many delegations met with him to congratulate him.  One of the delegations was a group of respectable women from London:

“Dr Johnson, we are delighted to find that you did not include any indecent or obscene words in your dictionary”.

“Ladies” replied Johnson “I congratulate you on being able to look them up”.

One must understand that the groups of those determined to be offended will go out of their way to satisfy their needs; willing to go through a treasure trove of English language to find some filthy words to fulfil some instinct, about which I dare not speculate…

And who, I wonder, is the person you would entrust with the impossible task of deciding what is ‘right’ for you or I?  Who decides what can be said, read or thought?  I do not know of a single person in the history of our species who would be suitable.  Anyone who puts themselves forward to be the stalwart of censorship is by default, unsuitable. Their presence opens a most menacing doorway into an Orwellian dystopia of ignorance and doublethink.

Anyone claiming the right by knowing the mind of God is either a charlatan or an idiot.  In the words of the Iranian polymath Omar Khayyam:

And do you think that unto such as you?
A maggot-minded starved, fanatic crew
God gave the secrets and denied it me?
Well, well, what matters it, believe that too.

Not long ago, a Somali comedian was murdered in cold blood.  He has shot, point blank, in the head and the chest.  His crime – poking fun at Islamist militants.  Again, I reiterate, whenever someone says, writes or creates anything that you may deem heretical, they must be given extra protection by you and by the state, for they are adding something to the table that was previously missing.

This showcases the religious threat, but rather than have myself expatiate its horrors in the realms of free expression, criticism and emancipation, I shall instead offer the prose of Karl Marx in his Introduction to his Critique on Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.  The first page is all that is necessary to understand the point, but continue if you so please, for who am I to tell you what you cannot read?

Freedom of the press is an obvious arm of free speech, with state-run papers being viewed, rightly in my opinion, with a hint of cynicism and a raised eyebrow whenever they critique domestic politics.  But the strong arm of censorship runs deeper into the ‘Independent’ papers too, with their shareholders invariably having a say when a story threatens a conflict of (their) interest.

A few months ago, the Journalist syndicate in Cairo convened to hold an emergency meeting to discuss the appointment of the latest chief editors for the country’s state-run papers.  They were aware that the government’s appointments to the 5 major state-run newspapers were almost certainly going to affect their freedom in criticising the ruling powers. The new editors would be foolish to so quickly turn on the powers that granted them such high positions.  You do not bite the hand that feeds, as the saying goes.

It has always been the first practice of a dictator after they have secured the loyalty of the army to then secure the provisions of the Press, for this had always been the main source of knowledge for the proletariat.  However, with the advent of the Internet another vast channel of free speech and knowledge opened up; yet another channel that the totalitarian needs to close.

One must only look to the last true dictatorship in Europe, Belarus, to see the evidence.  It claims to run a free press, yet it is illegal to write anything slanderous about the despotic President, Alexander Lukashenko.  Exactly who falls afoul of the critical-slanderous line is obviously up to Lukashenko’s cronies and there have been disappearances of several Belarusian journalists.  It is this omnipresent threat that made Freedom House, a trusted independent monitor, call Belarus’ freedom of press and internet ‘not free’.

Stop someone from speaking; withhold something they have written; or bury something they have created and you are in essence making yourself a prisoner of your own actions.  You are denying yourself in advance; you are creating a rod for your own back, for in the subjective realm of censorship, all is fair game when it comes to closing avenues of learning.

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Ode to a Barjob

Not long after my decision to buy a one way ticket to Egypt I discovered to my absolute horror that one needed a manner of paying for such luxuries. Once again my idealistic dreams were dissolving away under the caustic weight of the capitalistic market that saturates our zeitgeist. I needed to get a job. After much guesswork and a little research I decided that all-in-all I would need a cash cushion of around £500 in order to fund the dream of starting a journalism career in the middle east. Around £200 in transit to Cairo and then some £300 to float me for the first couple of weeks until I managed to find some way of getting an income. I thought up this ‘plan’ in those fervent final minutes of consciousness prior to sleep and was instantly satisfied with the thorough preparation that had been taken.

Suddenly – some weeks later – it dawned on me that if I was to manage getting out to Cairo a few weeks prior to the Presidential election , which had been ‘the plan’, I should probably have started saving up some weeks before. My hubris and belief that ‘it’ll all work out in the end’ were threatening to end proceedings before they had even had the chance to get off the ground. Then I received a sign from the Goddess Tyche herself – in the form of a phone call from a friend – who relayed to me a job opportunity. I made my way down for an interview and was accepted later that day. I was now a proud professional with the magisterial job title: “Bar Staff”. My preceding three years of university work were not wasted after all!

Two nights a week working 5 hours a night at minimum wage. The joy did not end there either as I discovered to my great relief that as well as being on minimum wage, I would also be taxed in the emergency tax bracket. What luck! This meant I would be allowed to claim a rebate in the ensuing April for the total of 25 hours that I managed to work there. Truly these are England’s green and pleasant lands.

The shifts started. 9pm exactly, every time. Or occasionally exactly 5 minutes before and sometimes 5 minutes after. But it always started exactly whenever it started, such was the efficiency of the machine known locally as the ‘Chameleon Shift Timetables’. The scene was then set for what was to be a most agreeable evening in Bedford’s most prized cotillion. The air was thick with a sense of anticipation and optimism; and a slight scent of vomit. The punters arrived, with the archetypes of every idiosyncrasy of every niche of every community represented. These are people unafraid to break the social norms that confine us mere mortals. These are people who do not wallow in the shadows and hide behind the false security of consensus. Who says bovine incompetence isn’t endearing? Who says the laws of nature cannot be suspended? You fools! These are the people I feel most connected with! When I find myself wavering at around 1 in the morning (for I am a mere pawn compared to these Queens), my companions on the other side of the bar are sure to give me new wind by passing theirs.

Unfortunately, it was a placement that could not last as my departure date to Cairo loomed large on the horizon. Eventually, I was forced to put down the empty beer bottles and the bathroom mop. No longer could I utilise my knowledge of drunken pidgin english to translate and then supply my comrades with the Jägerbombs they so thoroughly deserve.  No longer could I clean up the broken glass that my friends had so considerately dropped (and how kind of them to smash them in the corners so that all my skills with the dustpan and brush could be put to use).

How can my new life live up to the dizzying heights of spiritual contentment that I have grown used to at Chameleon Bar? With Egypt having nothing more to offer than the opportunity of seeing a state in transition? With nothing more than the elections of a new president? The drafting of a new constitution? All under the febrile political discourse of middle eastern affairs? But despite all these obvious drawbacks, one can’t help but feel a bit…sanguine.

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